CHAPTER III
THE AVIATION INDUSTRY 1914-1921
In 1914 the United States aircraft industry ranked last among major
powers, employing a mere 168 people. It
was comprised of small companies each of which produced only a few airplanes a
year. Unlike most European powers,
the United States had not provided subsidies to support the industry.
American military spending on aviation before 1914 ranked 14th
in the world and did little to encourage development of the industry in this
country, see Table 2.[1]
Table
2
Estimated
Aviation Expenditures, 1908-1913[2]
|
Country |
Expenditures |
Planes |
|
Germany |
$28,000,000 |
400 |
|
France |
$22,000,000 |
400 |
|
Russia |
$12,000,000 |
300 |
|
Italy |
$8,000,000 |
200 |
|
Austria |
$5,000,000 |
160 |
|
England |
$3,000,000 |
100 |
|
Belgium |
$2,000,000 |
100 |
|
United States |
$435,000 |
28 |
The
Wright brothers developed the world’s first airplane in the United States but
not the first aircraft company. That
honor went to their contemporary and rival, Glenn Curtiss.
Curtiss was a motorcycle racer and mechanic from upstate New York who
specialized in lightweight engines. After
selling an engine to a balloonist in 1905, Curtiss realized the opportunity for
further sales and began attending aviation exhibitions.
At one of these exhibitions, he met Alexander Graham Bell, inventor of
the telephone, and together with other air enthusiasts they established the
Aerial Experiment Association(AEA) in July 1907.
Army Lieutenant Thomas Selfridge, killed in the 1908 Fort Meyer
demonstration, was a founding member of the association.[3]
The AEA established an experimental station at Bell’s Nova Scotia
property and Curtiss oversaw construction of the association’s third attempt
at constructing a successful airplane, the June Bug.
This aircraft won Scientific American’s trophy for the first
aircraft to make a one kilometer flight in front of witnesses. Curtiss formed his own company, the Curtiss Motor Vehicle
Company, in November 1907 and when the AEA disbanded in late 1908 all of the
group’s patents were transferred to Curtiss’ company. In March 1909 Curtiss formed another company, this time with
A. M. Herring who claimed to hold some aviation patents, with the intent of
securing the necessary patents to begin production of his June Bug design.[4]
Curtiss’ activity precipitated a bitter and lengthy dispute with the
Wright brothers over aircraft patents which would shape development of the
industry through 1920s. The Wrights
supplied Curtiss with technical data on their own experiments while he was
working on the June Bug. According
to Grover C. Loening, at one time an employee of the brothers and later founder
of his own aircraft company, the Wrights believed the AEA was strictly a
scientific endeavor and would not have supplied the information if they had
realized that Curtiss was going to establish a commercial company, particularly
due to their own lack of success.[5]
The
brothers’ paranoia over patent infringement, and their firm conviction that
they were at least five years ahead of any possible competition, kept them from
openly demonstrating their machines for several years after their first flight;
instead they preferred closely guarded flights in front of invited
witnesses. They attempted to
interest a number of governments in their designs, with little financial
success, and sold the French rights to their patent for a limited time for
$100,000 in 1908. When they formed
their own aircraft company in 1909, the brothers’ designs had been surpassed
by Curtiss and others. The Wright
Company, with offices in New York and a factory in Dayton, Ohio, was officially
capitalized at $1,000,000 and had two distinct advantages over its competitors.[6]
First, Wright was still the most recognized aviation name in the world.
Second, and more importantly, the Wrights and their company controlled
U.S. Letters Patent No. 821393. This
patent applied to the Wrights’ means of controlling a planes flight, through
bending or warping the wings insure stability and to get it to turn.
Curtiss developed a better system, a precursor to the modern airelon, but
the Wrights argued that their patent covered any method which used the wings to
turn the plane. In September 1909
the Wright brothers brought suit against Curtiss and Herring for patent
violations.[7]
In 1914, a U.S. Court of Appeals ruled in favor of Orville Wright, Wilbur
had died in 1912. Great Britain
recognized their patent that same year and paid the company $75,000 to settle
their claim. The next year, Orville
sold the company for $1,000,000 to a syndicate of New York investors on the
basis of its control of the patents. William
Boyce Thompson, a mining tycoon, headed the syndicate which included Henry
Sutphen and Henry Carse of the Electric Boat submarine company.
The syndicate kept Orville Wright as a figurehead for the company, but
sought a new aviation leader in Glenn L. Martin.[8]
Martin had grown up in Iowa and moved with his parents to California in
1905. He established his own car
dealership there and used the income to fund his aviation experiments. Like many early inventors, Martin began with gliders before
turning to powered flight. After
failing with his own designs he turned to Curtiss’ June Bug as a model and
managed to build a successful, if under powered, plane by 1909.
He established friendly relations with the Wright brothers, even
supplying them information about Curtiss’ experiments at North Island.[9]
Martin formed his own aircraft company in 1909, one of more than twenty
formed that year, and began producing airplanes for use in aeronautical
exhibitions. These carnival like
affairs where airplanes raced cars and people paid for rides served as the prime
source of income for many smaller companies.
Martin sold his first training plane to Army in 1913, and by 1916 had
established his company as a solid member of the industry.
In 1916, Martin’s company, the Wright Company, and the Simplex
Automobile Company were merged to form the Wright-Martin Aircraft Corporation
with Martin as a vice-president in charge of all aviation projects.[10]
The Wright-Martin merger coincided with a merger of the other major
companies in the industry, Curtiss and Burgess.
Since its formation, the Curtiss company had undergone a number of
changes. In 1915 the company moved
from Hammondsport, New York, to Buffalo and was reincorporated as Curtiss
Aeroplane and Motor Company, this move merged the Curtiss Aeroplane Company with
the Curtiss Motor Company. In early
1916 this company purchased the Burgess Company of Marblehead, Massachusetts and
also added Curtiss Aeroplanes and Motors, Ltd., of Canada and the Curtiss
Exhibition Company, which ran the Curtiss flying schools.[11]
These mergers were intended to take advantage of growing purchases of
aircraft being made by European nations. Most
of the U.S. companies lagged behind those in Europe in terms of design and
quality control, but France, Britain, and Italy needed planes desperately.
Britain and Italy both placed orders with Curtiss for seaplanes, while
France ordered 450 Hispano-Suiza, a French design, engines from Wright-Martin.
These and other orders significantly increased the industry’s
production and exports(Table 3), with output doubling each year from 1914 to
1916.[12]
Table
3
Aircraft
Production and Exports[13]
|
Year |
Total |
U.S. |
Export |
|
1913 |
43 |
14 |
29 |
|
1914 |
49 |
15 |
34 |
|
1915 |
178 |
26 |
152 |
|
1916 |
411 |
142 |
269 |
|
Total |
681 |
197 |
484 |
The promise of European orders also led to the creation of new companies,
notably Boeing in Seattle. William
E. Boeing trained at the Curtiss flight school and then consulted Naval
Constructor G. C. Westervelt, a personal friend, about the possibilities of
forming an aircraft company. Westervelt
assured him that it was possible and even helped Boeing design his first plane.
Boeing incorporated as the Pacific Aero Products Company in July 1916.[14]
These new companies faced an immediate problem, patents. The Wright-Martin company announced in December 1916 that it
would collect royalties of 5% of the gross for all aircraft produced in the
United States with a minimum of $10,000 per year per company.
Curtiss followed suit with a similar plan just a few days later for its
patents on the aerilon and various hydroplane designs.
The two companies discussed a merger as a means of resolving their patent
problems, but company lawyers felt the merger of the two largest companies in
the industry would never survive a anti-trust challenge.
Instead the system added to the cost of each airplane and in particular
it hindered the smaller manufacturers, many of whom regarded “the action as
tantamount to forcing the ‘little fellow’ out of business.”[15]
In
January 1917 leading members of the industry met to discuss formation of the
Aircraft Manufacturers Association to oversee the patents.
Formed in February 1917, charter members included: Curtiss,
Wright-Martin, the Standard Aircraft Company, Aeromarine Plane & Motor
Company, and Thomas-Morse Aircraft Corporation. Shortly after United States entry into the war the AMA
announced its plan for managing the patents, generally known as cross licensing.
The AMA would collect $200 for each plane constructed in the United
States and place this money in a pool. From
this pool, each patent holder, including the Curtiss and Wright companies, would
receive up to $2,000,000 per year. After
Congressional complaints, the AMA lowered these fees to $100 per plane, and
$1,000,000 per patent holder annually. The
AMA would also determine the royalties due any new patent holders.
The AMA received constant criticism during and after the war for
restricting production and increasing the cost of aircraft.[16]
The expansion from European orders still left the industry unprepared for
U.S. entry into the war. One
historian noted, “Aviation was at the stage of transition from building
machines and motors to manufacturing them.”[17]
Most of the companies remained unfamiliar with the practice of mass production
and operated in a very haphazard fashion. A
salesman for the Sturtevant Aeroplane Company told Loening of the measures he
found necessary to get six of the companies planes accepted by the Navy.
Out of 5 radiators we have only 2 that do not boil.
I have kept changing the radiators in order to get the machines accepted. The navy does not know that I changed the radiators, as I did
it at night. This is the only way I
could get the machines accepted.[18]
Navy
Lieutenant John Towers reported another excellent example of the industry’s
growing pains at the Curtiss factory. In
an effort to speed up production, draftsmen in the company had been drawing
designs and other information directly on the walls of the office to make them
easier for other draftsmen to consult. Over
a long weekend the company hired a crew to come in and clean up the offices.
The crew, seeing all the writing on the wall, decided to whitewash the
walls rather than trying to clean them and promptly wiped out several weeks
worth of work.[19]
U.S. entry into the war in 1917 placed tremendous demands on the
fledgling industry. During the next
year, the U.S. military placed orders for nearly 20,000 planes, at a total cost
of more than $640,000,000. Further
orders from the U.S. military would follow as the war continued, as would orders
from allied nations. Not only did
the industry have to increase its manufacturing space, as already noted, but it
also had to train most of its new employees in the special skills needed for
building airplanes.[20]
Overseeing this expansion was the Aircraft Production Board(APB).
Prior to U.S. entry into the war a number of attempts were made to
centralize and coordinate industry production on a voluntary basis, notably the
Council of National Defense. With
U.S. entry, a number of specialized coordinating groups appeared to oversee
various aspects of the nation’s war effort.
In June 1917, President Woodrow Wilson appointed Howard E. Coffin,
president of the Society of Automotive Engineers(SAE) and an active member of
the preparedness movement, to head the APB.
Assigned to coordinate aircraft production in the United States, this
board would become the source of considerable controversy.[21]
In addition to his role as president of the SAE, Coffin had also headed
the Munitions Standards Board for a brief time.
There he exhibited his firm conviction that the key to production lay
with standardization. One associate
noted, “If I heard Coffin talking in his sleep, I wouldn’t take the trouble
to go over and listen because I would know exactly what he would be saying.
‘Standardize! Standardize! Standardize!’
That’s his motto, his slogan, his creed.”[22]
Coffin
appointed as his top assistant another member of the MSB, Edward Andrew Deeds,
an engineer with the National Cash Register company in Dayton, Ohio, and the
Dayton Engineering Laboratories Company, or Delco.
As early as 1909, Deeds approached the Wright Brothers with idea of using
a Delco starter in an airplane. The
Wrights did not adopt his starter, but Deeds maintained a close relationship
with the brothers. In 1916, Deeds
consulted Orville about the private landing field he was planning and when it
was completed he allowed Wright-Martin to use it for experimental work.
In April 1917, Deeds organized the Dayton Wright Airplane Company with C.
F. Kettering, H. E. Talbott, and H. E. Talbott, Jr.
Orville was given the title of Consulting Engineer in return for lending
his name to the endeavor.[23]
Of the company, Deeds declared “This is an enterprise on which to spend
money, not make it.”[24]
However, the investors clearly established the company to take advantage
of anticipated profits from America’s entry into the war.
They were not alone, the industry recieved a sudden infusion of
investment from people in the car industry and others.
In addition to the creation of Dayton Wright, John N. Willys, President
of the Willys-Overland car company, for example invested in Curtiss and
eventually assumed control of the company.[25]
These automotive concerns saw that “...a new outlet is fast approaching
for products made by motor, motor parts, and accessory manufacturers in
America.”[26]
They approached aviation with the clear understanding that the industry
would play a crucial role in the war and that there was money to be made.
In return, the nation expected the automotive industry to “make
quantity production possible for the aeroplane industry just as they have for
the building of motor cars.”
Coffin and Deeds moved quickly to implement the practices of mass
production in the aviation industry, perhaps too quickly.
The Bolling Commission, a group of Army and Navy officers headed by Major
R. C. Bolling, toured Europe in June 1917 to determine the best course for
America’s aviation policy based on wartime experience.
The commission’s report recommended that the United States focus on
training aircraft and purchase both combat planes and engines from France and
Great Britain. Deeds, however, did
not wait for the report and instead had already begun to put Coffin’s
standardization plans into practice with the design of the Liberty engine.[27]
Deeds, along with E. J. Hall of the Hall-Scott Motor Company and Jesse G.
Vincent of the Packard Motor Car Company, modified a Packard eight cylinder
racing engine in just two days. The
engine appeared to be perfect for both mass production and for powering the
nation’s planes, but early praise proved premature.
The engine’s horsepower to weight ratio was too high, making it a poor
aircraft engine. In addition, while
the engine was well suited for large aircraft such as bombers or flying boats,
it weighed too much for use in most fighters.
Deeds insisted on continuing development of the engine despite the
opinions of experts who insisted that the design would take two or more years to
finalize. Eventually the eight
cylinder version was abandoned in favor of a twelve cylinder model, which in
time became very successful.[28]
Deeds’ commitment to the Liberty resulted not only from his desire to
standardize engines, but also from greed. Another
engine, the Hispano-Suiza offered three advantages over the Liberty.
First, the Hispano was battle tested having been used in numerous French
designs. Second, Wright-Martin held
the American patent rights for the engine rather than the AMA, saving money on
patent royalties. Finally, the
engine was better suited for the fast pursuit planes the Army needed.
The Hispano, however, lacked on critical element possessed by the
Liberty, the ability for Deeds’ and his associates to make money off the
design.[29]
Deeds owned more than 17,000 shares in Delco’s parent company, which he
transferred to his wife during the war. The
Delco starter had never been used in an aircraft engine, but was chosen for the
Liberty and would be used in more than 22,000 of them during the war.
These sales resulted in considerable profits for Delco, and ultimately
Deeds. While Delco’s exact
profits are not available, Packard made an estimated $8,000,000 from its
construction of the Liberty engine and Ford more than $5,000,000 from a contract
for 5,000 Liberties.[30]
When
the 8 cylinder Liberty failed to meet expectations, President Wilson appointed
Charles Evan Hughes to conduct a Justice Department investigation into the
matter. Deeds by this time had
accepted a commission as a colonel in the Army and Hughes concluded that while
Deeds’ actions were not criminal, he should be subjected to a court martial.
Secretary of War Newton B. Baker conducted further hearings on Deeds
activities, namely consulting with two of Deeds’ business associates, and
exonerated him of any wrong doing.
Another company in which Deeds owned stock, and which received
preferential treatment during the war was Dayton Wright.
Technically, Deeds sold his stock in Dayton Wright and its parent
company, the Dayton Metal Products Company, to business associates.
However, a Justice Department report noted:
“The fact is that the transfer of the shares in the Dayton Metal
Products Co. which owned the stock of the Dayton Wright Airplane Co. was made to
Colonel Deed’s intimate business associates on their unsecured notes, which
are overdue and unpaid save to a small extent.”
Deeds secured contracts for 4,000 DH-4 light bombers for Dayton Wright.
This contract proved controversial for a number of reasons.
First, the company was not established until after the war began and was
still building its factory when it received the contracts.
Over the next five months Dayton Wright managed to deliver only 193
aircraft, many of which were defective. In an effort to speed up production, only one in six aircraft
were inspected as they came off the production line. During the war more than 1,200 of the planes had to be
condemned and the DH-4 achieved notoriety for its ongoing problems and was
nicknamed the “flaming coffin” by pilots. A House committee after the war
declared the type “...exceptionally dangerous to pilots and observers because
of its defective construction.”[31]
Second,
the DH-4 contract exposed some of the worst aspects of the cost plus contracts
being used during the war. This
system guaranteed the manufacturer a 12.5% profit on wartime contracts, with the
profit calculated on the “bogey,” or estimated, cost.
To encourage companies to reduce costs, the cost plus contracts also
included a clause by which companies kept 25% of the difference between the
bogey and final cost. This system
was subject to abuse by the company, in the case of the DH-4 the bogey price was
$7,000 but Dayton Wright produced the planes for only $4,400 each.
So, in addition to the guaranteed $875 profit per airplane, Dayton Wright
also earned an additional $650 on saving from the bogey price.[32]
Not all of the difficulty with aircraft production resulted from
favoritism by members of the Aircraft Production Board.
Military inexperience and indecision contributed greatly to production
delays. The Army often placed
conflicting orders, or canceled contracts.
The Army’s attempt to develop a heavy bomber force using the Italian
designed Caproni provides an excellent example. “On August 9, 1917, the Caproni program called for 500;
on August 16, for 9,000; on
August 22, for 2,000, on August 24,
for 500, and there were other variations until the program appears to have
settled down after September 28, 1917, to 1,000.”[33]
Curtiss experienced both military indecision and problems with the
Aircraft Production Board when it attempted to build fighter planes for the
Army. Curtiss first learned of the
Army’s interest in a fighter design in the summer of 1917 and began
construction of a new and larger factory at Buffalo, New York, in anticipation
of obtaining the contract. The Army
placed a contract for 3,000 SPAD fighters on 19 September 1917.
The SPAD was a single seat French design using the Hispano-Suiza engine.
The Army did not have a set of plans for the machine, but instead
delivered a complete, French-built model to the company.
Curtiss draftsmen were forced to disassemble the plane and develop
blueprints, more than 3,000 of them, before they could begin production.[34]
Rather than using the Hispano-Suiza engine available from Wright-Martin,
the APB insisted that Curtiss adapt the design to use the 8 cylinder Liberty.
This caused a delay in design work, as the company engineers had to
redesign the front of the aircraft to handle the new engine and a new machine
gun, the Vickers rather than the Marlin. The
company proceeded with testing of the modified design and work on the factory
until 25 October when they received verbal notification to stop work on the
design.[35]
Based on recent observations, the Army determined that it now required a
two seat fighter rather than the single seat SPAD.
The Army then conducted experiments on various European two seat fighter
designs, finally settling on the British Bristol fighter in November 1917.
Curtiss received formal notification of the cancellation of the SPAD
contract in January 1918, along with a new contract for 2,000 Bristol fighters.
Once again the Army supplied a completed version of the fighter that the
company had to disassemble for plans, and once again the APB insisted on
adapting the design to use the Liberty engine.[36]
Curtiss completed a prototype of the Bristol in March 1918. After a few test flights, the prototype caught fire and was
completely destroyed. The Army then
concluded that not only was the Bristol unsuited for the Liberty engine, but
that the service once again required a single seat design.
In April 1918, the Army ordered 1,000 British designed S.E. 5s, a design
comparable to the French SPAD, from Curtiss.[37]
These multiple changes not only delayed production of aircraft for the
Army, but also threatened to bankrupt Curtiss.
The company was forced to take out a $4,000,000 loan in 1917 to cover the
cost of converting its factory for SPAD production.
Later the Army had to advance Curtiss money on several occasions to keep
the company from going bankrupt. Only
Curtiss’ production of its own successful JN trainer design proved profitable
for the company before spring 1918.[38]
The Navy avoided many of these procurement problems for three reasons.
First, most of the aircraft purchased by the Navy were American designs
which avoided the problems with trying to manufacture European designs.
Second, the Liberty engine adapted well to the Navy’s seaplane and
flying boat designs. Finally, the
Naval Aircraft Factory provided an independent means of verifying aircraft cost
so that bogey prices for naval aircraft were much closer to the true costs.
Ultimately, the Navy delivered more domestically manufactured aircraft to
Europe than the Army, at less than a third the cost.[39]
In spite of the many problems, the aircraft industry made exceptional
progress during the war, as evidenced by Table 4.
Congress revised the Aircraft Production Board, placing it in the
executive branch and making the members presidential appointees.
In addition, Congress assigned the board new powers giving it control
over aviation production in the United States, rather than the strictly advisory
role it had before, and placed all aviation appropriations under the board’s
control. Combined with the improved
12 cylinder Liberty engine, the new board began to maximize industry production.[40]
By
the Armistice in November 1918, American aircraft production had reached a rate
of 25,000 planes per year, compared to 36,000 for Great Britain and 32,000 for
France. From 168
employees in 1914, the industry expanded to employ approximately 10,000 in 1917,
and approximately 25,000 in 1918. While
the industry failed to deliver significant numbers of combat aircraft-only 196
American built DH-4s reached the front-it did provide large numbers of training
and naval patrol aircraft. To some
extent, the war ended too soon for the industry to make an impact.[41]
The
end of the war proved disastrous for the industry, between November 1918 and
February 1919 the War Department
Table
4
Wartime
Aircraft Production[42]
|
Year |
Total Prod. |
U.S. Military |
Export |
|
1914-16 |
638 |
183 |
355 |
|
1917 |
2,148 |
2,013 |
135 |
|
1918 |
14,020 |
13,991 |
20 |
|
Total |
16,806 |
16,187 |
510 |
canceled or suspended $469,000,000 worth of
contracts. This total increased
later in the month when Congress reclaimed $97,000,000 authorized for aviation
from the Navy as part of the second Deficiency Act of 25 February 1919.
These cuts represented 91% of outstanding aircraft contracts and 85% of
engine contracts. Of 30,526 Liberty engines on order as of 11 November 1918,
the War Department canceled 23,622 of them.[43]
Immediately after the war industry officials were optimistic that
commercial orders would replace military orders and keep the industry strong,
but that optimism proved premature. The
greatly expanded wartime industry suddenly found itself competing for almost
nonexistent sales. The immediate
cancellations drove a number of companies out of the business, mainly those
created since 1917 or ones which had converted to aircraft production during the
war. The remaining companies were forced to lay off employees and
sell assets to remain competitive. Industry
representatives reported that 90% of the aircraft factories in the country were
converted to other production during 1919.[44]
Curtiss Aeroplane and Motor Company remained the largest company at the
end of the war based on its successful JN trainer and Navy flying boats.
Willys lost control of the company in 1920 due to financial problems but
the company continued to secure contracts with the Navy and increasingly with
the Army. Glenn Martin left
Wright-Martin in 1917 when the Aircraft Production Board closed his Los Angeles
plant as inefficient. There were also allegations of conflict between Martin and
Deeds, and Martin formed a new company in Cleveland, Ohio. Wright-Martin was reorganized in 1919 and devoted itself
exclusively to developing and producing aircraft engines.
Boeing also remained in business, largely because it secured a contract
to refurbish DH-4s in 1919.[45]
Aeromarine Plane and Motor Company survived the war but then attempted to
develop an airline and went bankrupt in the 1920s.
The Thomas-Morse Airplane Company developed an advanced fighter at the
end of the war and seemed to have a promising future until it lost a contract to
Boeing and was absorbed by the Consolidated Aircraft Corporation in 1921.
Glenn Martin indirectly helped establish another company when his chief
engineer Donald Douglas left Martin to form his own company in 1920.
These companies formed the bulk of the industry for the upcoming decade
with smaller companies attempting to survive with specialized products, such as
the Loening Aeronautical Engineering Corporation which developed experimental
designs but did not engage in full production.[46]
The biggest problem facing the industry at the end of the war remained
its continued dependence of the U.S. government as its primary customer.
When aircraft production in 1919 fell to 780 planes, down from 14,020 in
1918, it is important to note than only eight of those planes were not sold to a
government entity. The military demonstrated its awareness of this situation
after the war, attempting to secure Congressional appropriations for the
purchase of enough aircraft “to prevent the complete collapse of the airplane
manufacturing capacity built up during the war.”
However, with revelations about the ineffectiveness of the wartime
appropriations and a general desire to reduce spending, the military was unable
to secure the necessary legislation.[47]
Increasingly, Congressional decisions determined the future of the
aircraft industry. Extensive
Congressional investigations into the conduct of the war exposed the dismal
results achieved with the money spent on aviation.
While the industry had delivered more than 16,000 aircraft during the
war, significant numbers of American built combat aircraft did not reach the
front. Army officials confirmed
that the $1,000,000,000 spent on aviation bought a mere 213 planes at the front.[48]
This
facet of the air effort attracted the most attention and blinded Congressmen to
aviation’s successes. The AMA and
the Aircraft Production Board received most of the blame, both from Congress and
the press. Many Congressmen found
it easy to believe allegations of an aircraft trust when confronted with the
meager results of wartime aviation expenditures.[49]
These
revelations, and a general desire for economy, kept Congress from appropriating
substantial money for aviation after the war.
Military spending remained considerably higher than pre-war levels, but
was not nearly sufficient to support the expanded industry.
The military possessed a surplus of aircraft and Congress was unwilling
to appropriate additional funds to purchase aircraft merely to see that the Army
and Navy had the latest designs or to subsidize the aircraft industry.
Instead, Congress focused much of its attention on various means to use
this surplus to recover some of the investment and complained bitterly about
Army burning of condemned aircraft in Germany.[50]
The military’s surplus of aircraft became a growing concern for the
industry especially when the Navy announced plans shortly after the war to sell
surplus aircraft, nominally to encourage civilian aviation. The sale of surplus Army and Navy aircraft threatened to
further reduce sales and in 1919 Curtiss purchased surplus airplanes and
aircraft motors worth $2,700,000 just to keep them off the market.
Curtiss believed that “...the future development of the industry would
be jeopardized by the indiscriminate selling of used material to the general
public.”[51]
Not only was the U.S. military’s surplus a threat, but in May 1920
Great Britain announced plans to sell 10,000 surplus aircraft to Handley-Page, a
British aircraft company, at a significantly reduced price, reportedly 1% of
their real value. Handley-Page then
indicated it would attempt to sell some of those planes in the United States.
Curtiss announced that it would stop making aircraft if Congress did not
act on this matter. The threat of foreign governments dumping their surplus
aircraft on the American market resulted in Congressional action as bills were
introduced to prevent it. General
William Mitchell and various industry leaders used the opportunity to appeal for
a radical reorganization of the government’s aviation bureaucracy.[52]
Industry leaders pointed to European nations subsidizing their aviation
industries and wanted similar action by the United States.
France announced attentions to subsidize travel and mail routes and Great
Britain offered to supply surplus aircraft to any company willing to establish a
commercial route. In response,
American aviation leaders supported either the creation of an independent air
force or a department of aeronautics as a Cabinet level office.
The industry hoped that such a change would result in higher
appropriations for aviation, and hence an expanded and more secure industry.[53]
Aircraft
production remained small and erratic throughout the period as commercial orders
failed to increase to offset the decline in government contracts, see Table 5.
Table
5
Aircraft
Production 1918-1925[54]
|
Year |
Production |
Military |
Other U.S. |
Export |
|
1918 |
14,020 |
13,991 |
9 |
20 |
|
1919 |
780 |
682 |
13 |
85 |
|
1920 |
328 |
256 |
7 |
65 |
|
1921 |
437 |
389 |
0 |
48 |
|
1922 |
263 |
226 |
0 |
37 |
|
1923 |
743 |
687 |
8 |
48 |
|
1924 |
377 |
317 |
1 |
59 |
|
1925 |
789 |
445 |
264 |
80 |
|
Total |
17,497 |
16,737 |
303 |
442 |
This inconsistent production resulted directly from government purchases
and disturbed industry attempts to carry out long range planning.
Aircraft companies had to build factories, train workers, and stockpile
raw materials in anticipation of future orders.
Without the United States establishing a consistent aviation policy, such
planning was impossible. In
addition, the industry had little incentive to develop new designs without the
promise of future orders. Army and
Navy plans for expanding aviation or future orders meant little since they
ultimately relied on Congress for funding.[55]
The creation of the Navy’s Bureau of Aeronautics in 1921 did little to
alleviate the industry’s difficulties. The
problems faced by aircraft companies in dealing with the Navy’s divided bureau
system paled in comparison to the impact of the industry’s rapid expansion and
contraction. The industry continued
to strive for consistent, and preferably increased, aviation appropriations.
To the extent that leaders thought an independent air force would
stabilize orders, they allied themselves with General Mitchell but they did so
cautiously, fearing additional funding could also bring too much government
regulation.
[1] Morrow, The Great War, 50; John B. Rae, Climb to Greatness: The American Aircraft Industry, 1920-1960 (Cambridge, MA: The MIT Press, 1968), 1.
[2] House Committee on Military Affairs, Hearings Before the House Committee on Military Affairs on Aviation, 63rd Cong., 1st sess., 1913, 267-268.
[3] Alden Hatch, Glenn Curtiss: Pioneer of Naval Aviation (New York: Julian Messner, Inc., 1942), 63-78; Biddle, Barons, 38-39; Welman Shrader, A Chronicle of the Aviation Industry in America, 1903-1953 (Cleveland: Eaton Manufacturing Company, 1953), 8; Molson and Shortt, Flying Boats, 3.
[4] Hatch, Curtiss, 114-140; Shrader, Chronicle, 8.
[5] Grover C. Loening, Our Wings Grow Faster (New York: Doubleday, Doran and Company, 1935), 45.
[6] Kelly, The Wright Brothers, 152-167; Freudenthal, Flight into History, 111-127; Elisbeth E. Freudenthal, The Aviation Business: From Kitty Hawk to Wall Street (New York: Vanguard Press, 1940), 19-20; Shrader, Chronicle, 10.
[7] House Committee on Naval Affairs, Hearings Before the House Committee on Naval Affairs on Sundry Legislation Affecting the Naval Establishment 1917-1918, 64th Cong., 2nd sess., 1917, 1177-1178; Jacob Vander Meulen, The Politics of Aircraft: Building an American Military Industry (Lawerence: University Press of Kansas, 1991), 19.
[8] Biddle, Barons, 88-89; Eaton Manufacturing, Chronicle, 15-17.
[9] Biddle, Barons, 44-60; Bilstein, Flight in America 1900-1983, 37-38.
[10] Shrader, Chronicle, 10-18; Biddle, Barons, 88-90; Rae, Climb to Greatness, 4-5.
[11] Shrader, Chronicle, 10-18; Hatch, Curtiss, 234-255; Peter M. Bowers, Curtiss Aircraft, 1907-1947 (London: Putnam & Company Ltd., 1979), 1-10.
[12] “Italy Orders Seaplanes,” New York Times, 8 March 1915; “Curtiss Seaplanes Sold Abroad,” New York Times, 21 October 1916; “Aircraft Exports for 1916,” New York Times, 2 January 1917; “Aeronautic Industry Grows,” New York Times, 21 January 1917.
[13] U. S. Bureau of the Census, Statistics, 466.
[14] Eugene E. Bauer, Boeing in Peace and War (Enumclaw, WA: TABA Publishing, 1991), 1-19; Peter M. Bowers, Boeing Aircraft Since 1916 (New York: Funk & Wagnalls, 1966), 3-12.
[15] “Makers Must Buy a Curtiss License,” New York Times, 20 December 1916.
[16] Shrader, Chronicle, 18; “End Patent Wars of Aircraft Makers,” New York Times, 7 August 1917; House Committee on Naval Affairs, Hearings Before the House Committee on Naval Affairs on Sundry Legislation Affecting the Naval Establishment 1917-1918, 64th Cong., 2nd sess., 1917, 1177-1178; U.S. Statutes At Large 39 (1915-1917): 1169; U.S. Statutes At Large 40 (1917-1919): 1173-1174; “Woodhouse Alleges Profiteering,” New York Times, 12 July 1920.
[17] Freudenthal, The Aviation Business, 21.
[18] Loening, Our Wings, 65.
[19] Quoted in Shanahan, “Procurement of Naval Aircraft 1907-1919,” 63-64.
[20] Rae, Climb to Greatness, 1-2; Robert H. Connery, The Navy and the Industrial Mobilization in World War II (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1951), 31-36.
[21] Robert D. Cuff, The War Industries Board: Business-Government Relations During World War I (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1973), 51, 86.
[22] Quoted in Cuff, War Industries Board, 51.
[23] Isaac F. Marcosson, Colonel Deeds, Industrial Builder (New York: Dodd, Mead and Company, 1947), 212-216.
[24] Marcosson, Deeds, 216.
[25] John B. Rae, American Automobile Manufactures: The First Forty Years (Philadelphia: Chilton Company - Book Company, 1959), 127; “Closer Tie Between Airplane and Auto Makers,” New York Times, 21 January 1917.
[26] “Closer Tie Between Airplane and Auto Makers,” New York Times, 21 January 1917.
[27] Freudenthal, Aviation Business, 47.
[28] Biddle, Barons, 103-105; Senate Committee on Military Affairs, Investigation of the War Department - Aircraft Production, 65th Cong., 2d sess., 6 April 1918, S. Rept. 380, 2-3.
[29] Biddle, Barons, 103-106.
[30] Charles Evan Hughes, Report of Aircraft Inquiry, a special report prepared at the request of the Department of Justice, 1918, 138 cited in Freudenthal, Aviation Business, 50.
[31] House Select Committee on Expenditures on the War Department, Expenditures in the War Department - Aviation 66th Cong., 2d sess., 16 February 1920, H. Rept. 637, 4; Senate Committee on Military Affairs, Hearings Before the Subcommittee of the Senate Committee on Military Affairs on Aircraft Production 65th Cong., 2nd sess., June 1918, 257-310; Senate Committee on Military Aircraft Production in the United States, 65th Cong., 2d sess., 22 August 1918, S. Rept. 555, 3-4.
[32] Senate Committee, Hearings on Aircraft Production, 6 June 1918, 211-220; Freudenthal, Aviation Business, 44-45.
[33] Charles Evan Hughes, Report of Aircraft Inquiry, a special report prepared at the request of the Department of Justice, 1918, 82 cited in Freudenthal, Aviation Business, 43.
[34] Senate Committee, Hearings on Aircraft Production, 3 June 1918, 63-71; Vander Meulen, Politics, 32-34.
[35] Senate Committee, Hearings on Aircraft Production, 3 June 1918, 67-74; Senate Committee, Report on Aircraft Production, 6 April 1918, 3-4.
[36] Senate Committee, Hearings on Aircraft Production, 3 June 1918, 67-74; Senate Committee, Report on Aircraft Production, 22 August 1918, 1-2.
[37] Senate Committee, Report on Aircraft Production, 22 August 1918, 1-2.
[38] Senate Committee, Hearings on Aircraft Production, 3 June 1918, 74-80.
[39] Freudenthal, Aviation Business, 57-58; Trimble, Wings For the Navy, 42-45.
[40] U.S. Statutes at Large 40 (1917-1919): 557.
[41] Morrow, The Great War, 344-350; House Select Committee, Aviation, 3-9.
[42] U. S. Bureau of the Census, Statistics, 466.
[43] “Air Contracts Canceled,” New York Times, 20 February 1919; U.S. Statutes at Large 40 (1917-1919): 1173.
[44] “Order Six Airplanes to Carry Mined Ore,” New York Times, 30 March 1919; “Airmen Blame Congress,” New York Times, 30 October 1919.
[45] Rae, Climb to Greatness, 3-7; Bowers, Curtiss Aircraft, 3-12; Biddle, Barons, 100-103; Bauer, Boeing, 29-33; Bowers, Boeing Aircraft, 1-10.
[46] Rae, Climb to Greatness, 6-15; Rene J. Francillol, McDonnel Douglas Aircraft Since 1920. (London: Putnam & Company Ltd., 1979), 1-4.
[47] “Will Place Orders for New Airplanes,” New York Times, 6 May 1919; U. S. Bureau of the Census, Statistics, 466; Edwin H. Rutkowski, The Politics of Military Aviation Procurement, 1926-1934: A Study in the Political Assertion of Consensual Values (Columbus: Ohio State University Press, 1966), 1-15; “Navy Plans Big Aircraft Program,” New York Times, 23 May 1919.
[48] House Select Committee, Aviation, 2.
[49] “General Goethals Testifies on War Purchases,” New York Times, 2 July 1919; “Colonel Patrick Tells of Burning Planes,” New York Times, 5 August 1919; “Flood Refutes Bland’s Charges,” New York Times, 28 September 1919.
[50] Roger E. Bilstein, Flight Patterns: Trends of Aeronautical Development in the United States, 1918-1929 (Athens: University of Georgia Press, 1983), 127-147; Vander Meulen, The Politics of Aircraft, 41-65.
[51] “Curtiss Buys Back 2,176 Army Planes,” New York Times, 26 May 1919.
[52] “Back Bill to Bar Airplane Dumping,” New York Times, 29 May 1920; “Curtiss to Discontinue Making Airplanes,” New York Times, 10 June 1920.
[53] “Airmen Blame Congress,” New York Times, 30 October 1919; “French Aerial Aid For Transport Lines,” New York Times, 28 September 1919; “Britain Will Adopt a New Air Policy,” New York Times, 9 September, 1919; “Airmen Blame Congress,” New York Times, 30 October 1919.
[54] U. S. Bureau of the Census, Statistics, 466.
[55] Brian W. Scott, Long-Range Planning in American Industry (Philadelphia: American Management Association, Inc., 1965), 17-29.